A non-serious attitude to understand the electoral arithmetic and prioritising organisational interest over the call of unity to defeat the BJP has raised doubts about the VBA’s decision to break the MVA alliance.

INDIA looks comfortable with the support that it gets from the Dalit, Adivasis and Muslim groups. However, such support is insufficient to win the democratic battle.

According to Ambedkar, Buddhism upholds humanism, individual freedom, and a peaceful coexistence, and therefore, is suitable for the modern times.

There are few flag bearers, intellectuals and social movements in the contemporary times that can claim to inherit the radical legacy of anti-caste movements of the past.

After trying to build an 'inclusive Hindutva' platform, the inauguration ceremony of the new parliament shows that the BJP will uphold the primacy and legitimacy of the Brahmanical cultural values over state affairs.

Without a collective defence of social justice politics by a Dalit-Bahujan intellectual class, it is easy for counter-revolutionaries to retain their cultural hegemony and class domination.

There is more than enough evidence to show that Dalit and Adivasi students are subject to recurring discrimination in educational institutions. The existing mechanisms are not enough to stop this.

Though the party has benefitted from the support of the lower caste groups thanks to its policy of 'inclusive Hindutva', little has changed for the OBCs themselves. A caste census will prove this fact.

When the murder of a Dalit boy means less than the fanfare around flag-hoisting celebrations, it is time to reimagine our national symbols.

Arts and entertainment industries, which remain the place for cultural politics, still continue to be ruled by 'upper' castes while Dalit-Bahujans remain at the margins.

More Dalit-Bahujan interventions on social network platforms will democratise netizens and will bring the digital world closer to idea of social justice.

Behind the rhetoric of social upliftment exists the BJPs familiar politics of 'divide and rule'.

Until caste really is annihilated, that will be the part of his work that is most important.

The recent report advocating for IITs to be exempted from reservation in appointments subtly implies that Dalit-Bahujan lecturers are not 'meritorious'. This is evidence of how social elites still hold a hegemonic position in these institutions.

While the social group of Dalits is active in furthering the cause of justice, the political class needs to play a more active role.

When the actor used the word ‘pariah’ to describe his feelings of isolation as a COVID-19 patient, he perhaps did not understand that he was referring to another illness altogether: the historical fear psychosis of the Hindu elite which manifests in casteism.

Both the government and middle-class society have left the country's migrant workers to their own devices.

The current BJP dispensation does not wish to disturb the functional social normative. Instead, Hindutva proponents politicise caste division.

The Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi has all the potential to emerge as a political force in the future, but the immediate goal should be to unseat the BJP and Shiv Sena.

Rohith’s suicide brought the lacuna of our modern institutions at the forefront and showcased how places for higher learning are intrinsically insensitive towards Dalits.