In India’s pluralistic democracy, caste continues to be a significant force shaping electoral outcomes and social dynamics. Haryana, an agrarian state with deeply entrenched caste hierarchies, exemplifies this reality. Dalits, who constitute around 20 per cent of Haryana’s population, are the second-largest demographic group after the Jats, who make up over 25 per cent.
Despite their substantial numbers, Dalit political leadership in Haryana has struggled to find an independent and cohesive voice. Often subsumed under larger national and regional parties such as the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Dalit leaders face challenges that impede the growth of autonomous Dalit leadership in the state.
This raises critical questions about the factors contributing to this predicament and the potential pathways forward for marginalised caste groups.
The political journeys of Kumari Selja and Ashok Tanwar, two prominent Dalit leaders from Haryana, highlight the complexities and struggles faced by Dalit politicians in asserting their leadership within India’s political landscape.
Kumari Selja: Navigating caste Barriers
Kumari Selja, the daughter of esteemed Congress leader Chaudhary Dalbir Singh, entered politics under the mentorship of Rajiv Gandhi. Carrying her father’s legacy, she became a significant figure within the Congress Party, serving as a Member of Parliament and holding various ministerial positions since her first election in 1991.
Despite her stature and consistent contributions, Selja’s journey has been marred by internal party struggles, particularly with the influential Jat lobby led by Bhupinder Singh Hooda.
Her aspirations to become Haryana’s first Dalit Chief Minister in the 2024 Vidhan Sabha elections brought deep-seated caste fissures within the party to the forefront. Reports indicated that only eight tickets were allocated to Selja’s supporters, while Hooda secured 72 for his faction. This imbalance underscores the persistent marginalisation of Dalit leaders within party structures dominated by dominant castes.
Selja’s struggle to find a foothold reflects the broader challenges faced by Dalit leaders who, despite their significant contributions, are often overshadowed by the entrenched interests of dominant caste groups within their parties.
Ashok Tanwar: Party switching amidst factional struggles
Ashok Tanwar’s political trajectory further illustrates these challenges. Rising as one of the youngest presidents of the Indian Youth Congress and serving as a Member of Parliament from Sirsa, Tanwar’s initial years were promising. However, internal conflicts within the Congress, particularly with leaders like Hooda, led to his disillusionment. Citing neglect and marginalisation within the party system, Tanwar resigned from the Congress in 2022.
His subsequent political journey saw him briefly align with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) before joining the BJP in January 2024. The BJP fielded Tanwar against Kumari Selja in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, a strategic move highlighting the competitive nature of Dalit representation. Despite his efforts, Tanwar was defeated by Selja, underscoring the fragmented nature of Dalits’ electoral stability and the difficulties in establishing a stable foothold across party lines.
Tanwar’s frequent party switching reflects his struggle within the party system and illustrates how Dalit leaders often grapple with limited opportunities and recognition, prompting them to seek alternative platforms.
Historical barriers to Dalit empowerment in Haryana
A fundamental barrier to Dalit empowerment in Haryana has been economic disenfranchisement, particularly concerning land ownership. The Punjab Alienation of Land Act of 1900, a colonial-era legislation, legally institutionalised the exclusion of Dalits from land ownership.
The Act divided the population into “agricultural” and “non-agricultural” tribes and castes, restricting land ownership to those recognised as “agricultural.” This effectively barred many Dalits from purchasing or selling agricultural land, regardless of their financial capacity, and entrenched their socio-economic marginalisation.
As a result, Dalits were relegated to tenant farming under powerful Jat landlords, perpetuating cycles of poverty and dependence. Efforts to address these injustices, such as the Bir Sunarwala Land Movement of 1973 led by Chaudhary Chand Ram, were pivotal in reclaiming land rights for Dalits.
Originating in Bir Sunarwala village, Jhajjar district, the movement galvanised thousands of Dalits from Haryana, Punjab, Eastern Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan. It culminated in a 113-day-long mass satyagraha at Delhi’s Teen Murti, where participants challenged systemic oppression and raised awareness about Dalit land rights.
In this historic movement, more than 25000 Dalits, booked into the jails of Tihar, Aligarh and Ambala. The movement not only aimed to reclaim lost land but also to elevate Dalit political consciousness and assert their right to social and economic justice
Chaudhary Chand Ram, the first Deputy Chief Minister of Haryana, used his political influence and platforms like his newspapers, Naya Samaj Kamau and Jagta Insaan, to highlight issues affecting disadvantaged sections. Despite achieving some success in granting land to Dalits, entrenched power structures and legislative barriers hindered comprehensive land reform in Haryana.
The legacy of the Punjab Alienation of Land Act continues to resonate, as landlessness remains a critical issue for Dalit communities, highlighting the long-term effects of colonial policies on marginalized groups in India.
Dalits in Haryana’s Socio-Political Landscape
In Haryana, Dalits are positioned alongside other influential social groups such as Jats, Other Backward Classes (OBCs), and upper castes. The Jats, as a dominant land-owning community, have historically wielded significant economic and political power, which further consolidated during the Green Revolution of the late 1960s and early 1970s.
This economic advancement allowed Jats to transform their socio-economic position into lasting political power.
Dalits, on the other hand, have often found themselves marginalised and economically dependent, limiting their political leverage. Alliances between Dalits and other social groups have been formed in the past, sometimes leading to shared power or increased representation.
For instance, the Congress Party attempted to build coalitions with Dalits by offering welfare policies and representation. However, these efforts were often overshadowed by Jat dominance within the party, and the alliances frequently lacking genuine commitment to addressing the structural inequalities faced by Dalits.
The relationships between Dalits and other social groups have been complex. The Jats’ dominance has sometimes led to antagonism, particularly given the historical oppression and economic exploitation of Dalits by Jat landlords.
OBCs, who make up around 30 per cent of the state’s population, have also had a contentious relationship with both Jats and Dalits, often competing for resources and political representation. This intricate social fabric has made it challenging for Dalits to find steadfast allies in their quest for empowerment.
Political fragmentation and impact of the Supreme Court’s judgment
Dalit political mobilisation in Haryana has been further complicated by internal divisions and recent judicial decisions. The Supreme Court’s judgment allowing states to classify Scheduled Castes for additional preferential treatment brought back the talk of “creamy layer” principle for SCs.
While intended to ensure that the most disadvantaged receive benefits, this decision has created fissures within the Dalit community. Wealthier Dalits potentially losing access to reservation benefits has exacerbated internal divisions, weakening political solidarity and unity.
The BJP’s decision to implement this judgment ahead of the 2024 state elections further exacerbated these divisions. By appealing to more economically disadvantaged Dalits, the move created a rift in Dalit’s political consciousness.
This fragmentation undermines the community’s ability to present a united political front, diminishing their collective influence. Incidents like the limited participation of the most deprived Dalit groups in the Bharat Bandh on August 21, 2024, indicate growing discontent and internal fractures within the community with the selective Dalits’ engagement activities of parties.
Moreover, the emergence of entities like the Bhim Army, led by Chandra Shekhar Azad, offers potential for consolidating Dalit support. However, the multiplicity of actors vying for Dalit votes complicates efforts to build a cohesive movement.
As Amit Ahuja discusses in his book Mobilizing the Marginalized, marginalised groups often struggle to build unified political movements due to internal divisions and economic constraints. Overcoming these challenges is essential for asserting political power effectively.
Congress: Jat dominance results in Dalit aspirations taking a backseat
The Indian National Congress has long relied on Dalit support, but its internal dynamics, dominated by Jat leaders, have often limited the party’s ability to adequately represent Dalit interests. However, the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra and Rahul Gandhi’s push for a caste census offer a potential shift in Congress’s approach to caste politics.
By advocating for a caste census, Rahul Gandhi is emphasising the importance of social justice and economic equity for marginalised communities, including Dalits. A caste census would provide critical data to better understand the specific needs of different caste groups and enable the implementation of more targeted policies.
Rahul Gandhi’s focus on social justice and his commitment to the Constitution – as seen in his “Save the Constitution” campaign during the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra – could serve to temper Jat dominance within Congress and create space for Dalit leaders to assert themselves more effectively.
By channeling the influence of powerful castes like the Jats into a broader politics of empowerment and inclusion, Congress could offer a more viable platform for Dalit political leaders in Haryana. Notably, Jaffrelot and Arumugam have shown that Jat agitation for OBC status stems from their economic decline due to liberalisation and the rise of marginalised castes through Mandal reservations, leaving Jats enfeebled relatively.
Their reliance on agriculture, which no longer offers significant income, and improper attempts at modernisation of wealth and capital are fueling their demand for OBC status to secure jobs and education opportunities. However, an antagonistic relationship between the OBCs or Jats vis-à-vis Dalits or vice versa will not yield electoral outcomes that would help achieve shared goals of socioeconomic and educational empowerment of marginalised caste groups.
BJP’s OBC Strategy and Implications for Dalit Politics
The BJP’s electoral strategy in Haryana focuses on consolidating support among OBCs. By promoting non-Jat leadership, such as appointing Manohar Lal Khattar as the state’s first non-Jat Chief Minister in 2014, the BJP has weakened Jat dominance and built a coalition that includes both OBCs and Dalits.
Initiatives like “No Parchi, No Kharchi” (no favoritism, no bribes) in government employment opportunities and the establishment of Haryana Kaushal Rojgar Nigam (HKRN) have resonated with voters frustrated by Jats monopoly on various contractual posts.
While the BJP has made inroads among Dalit voters, its focus on OBC interests has not evolved into addressing the deeper socio-economic challenges facing the Dalit community. However, the collective antagonism against the dominance of Jats has become a factor forging a political solidarity between OBCs and Dalits.
The appointment of Nayab Saini, an OBC leader, as a prominent figure in Haryana politics before the 2024 election, was seen as an attempt to appease OBC voters. However, Ashok Tanwar notwithstanding, the BJP has not cultivated a prominent Dalit leader yet.
Path Forward: Building an Effective Political Movement
The struggle for Dalit political leadership in Haryana is a complex interplay of historical legacies, structural barriers, and contemporary challenges. For meaningful empowerment, there must be concerted efforts to address economic disenfranchisement, overcome internal divisions, and build a cohesive movement that asserts their rightful place in the political narrative.
By focusing on policies promoting social justice, economic equity, and fair representation – including economic upliftment, land reforms, and education – Dalit leaders can work toward a future that addresses their community’s immediate needs and contributes to broader goals of inclusivity in India’s democracy.
However, mainstream political parties have often failed to effectively address the broader concerns of the Dalit community. The selective engagement of parties like the BJP and Congress with Dalit issues, such as their stances on the caste census and initiatives like the “Save the Constitution” (Samvidhan Bachao) campaign, has not met the community’s aspirations.
The silence on critical matters like recent Supreme Court judgments and incidents of caste-based atrocities, coupled with only superficial comments from Haryana’s Dalit political leadership, underscores the need for an independent and assertive Dalit political movement.
Notably, ‘Manyawar’ Kanshi Ram observed, “Kisi ka Sahara loge to uska ishara bhi manna pdega” (If you rely on someone’s support, you will also have to follow their directions). A deeper reflection on this quote underscores the importance of maintaining autonomy while forging strategic alliances.
Success will depend on the ability of Dalit leaders to forge alliances with other marginalized groups while maintaining their unique voice to push for Dalit-specific issues. Emphasising economic empowerment and political representation, they can create a movement that is electorally viable and capable of driving long-term social and economic change.
This pragmatic approach balances the necessity of strategic alliances with the imperative of maintaining an independent platform focused on the specific challenges faced by the Dalit community. The path forward requires Dalit leaders to harness the power of their significant demographic presence, address internal divisions, and leverage political opportunities to advance their agenda.
By concentrating on economic upliftment, land reforms, and education, they can create a more cohesive political movement that appeals to their community’s immediate needs. Only then can they hope to overcome the historical barriers that have hindered their progress and establish a robust and autonomous political presence in Haryana’s evolving political landscape.
Anand Mehra is a doctoral researcher at the Department of Political Science, University of Delhi, specializing in political sociology with a focus on Dalit movements and social movements.
Vignesh Karthik KR is a postdoctoral research fellow of Indian and Indonesian Politics at the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies, Leiden; and a Research Affiliate at King’s India Institute, King’s College London.
