Can the BJP Merge Aggressive and Inclusive Hinduism?

What does supporting a caste census and war against Pakistan do for the image of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)? How do these benefit Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP? These questions can be better answered by thinking of aggressive and progressive Hinduism of Hindutva together.

Can there be Hinduism without caste? Probably not. The Indian public sphere is therefore ever shifting on the question of caste. Until a few weeks ago, Hindutva ideologues educated us on how caste was a colonial construct and untouchability was invented by the Mughals. Caste, therefore, had to be erased from memory and social life as it disunited Hindus. Caste on the other hand defines the selfhood of Hindus. There is almost no self without caste. How can one erase something so vital for one’s self-worth?

Caste is therefore mobilised against BJP-Hindutva by its opponents. Demand for caste-centered social justice and a caste census on the other hand has galvanised parties opposing BJP’s politics of Hindutva. The politics of caste is not necessarily identity politics. It has some emancipatory potential. Those at the margins, therefore, traditionally made claims for representation and recognition based on caste. Kanshi Ram, the founder of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), used to regularly emphasise that caste power of the privileged can be countered only with (caste) mobilisation of Bahujans. While Kanshi Ram coined the slogan, 'Jiski Jitni Sankhya Bhari Uski Utni Hissedari', he has very unlikely political inheritors in Rahul Gandhi and Modi now. 

In academic and political circles alike, the caste census was, until recently, considered a tool of the colonial government devised to divide and discipline Indians. The last caste census was held in 1931 and no government since Independence has undertaken a caste census. Since we gained freedom, the state attempted to create a caste-free India under a framework of Nehruvian socialism. Both the Congress and the BJP have since opposed a caste census and the former’s position was taken over by the latter. 

Rahul Gandhi has been advocating for a caste census and repeating Kanshi Ram's slogan – which is in several ways antithetical to the political tradition of the Congress. As Bihar election approaches, BJP too has suddenly agreed to carry out a caste census even before allocating any budget for the census.

The caste census seems of critical political use in current times for the INDIA bloc as the nation is gradually moving towards majoritarian ideas and ideals that privilege Hindus and simultaneously portray the minorities as outcasts. INDIA is hoping to make capital by framing pure castes as a privileged minority. This position is also emboldened by the fact that pure castes predominantly support the BJP across states. This is a deeply political position and totally new to the politics of the Congress. This strategy is majoritarian indeed, but the logic of such majoritarianism can be defended under the project of social justice. 

Sublated Hinduism: merging the aggressive and progressive

This brings us to Hindutva and its repertoires of caste. Can there be Hindu unity beyond caste without anti-Muslim/Christian sentiments? The Muslim as the imagined 'other 'of Hindus is the cementing force of Hindu unity in various ways. We see roots of anti-Muslim Hindu majoritarianism since colonial times that was enabled by the colonial census and has finally found ground across India.

Religious ideology is now critical in the voting behaviour of Indian citizens, thanks to decades of Hindutva mobilisation. As politics becomes more ideology-oriented, the Hindutva aspiration of Hindu unity beyond caste is under considerable strain to democratise Hinduism. Hindutva has, over the years, constructed a sublated Hinduism where Hinduism takes the form of a civil religion inclusive of the non-pure castes. This idea of inclusion is continually pushed by forces opposing Hindutva – the socialist dream of material equality, the Ambedkarite casteless utopia and the progressive turn in other backward class (OBC) politics that hopes to merge Ambedkarism and Mandal positionality to displace the hegemony of Hindutva. 

Will agreeing to a caste census enable Hindutva politics and mobilisation?

The BJP’s sudden support for caste census has rattled its pure-caste supporters the most. However, the decision is in keeping with the broader current of Hindu consolidation and making of Hinduism as a civil religion. Embedded in this sublated Hinduism is aggressive religious nationalism that feeds on everyday anti-Muslim ideas and practices. 

As politics of caste is reduced to a caste census and reservations, caste is increasingly turned into ‘difference’ as opposed to hierarchy. Reservations have, in many ways, averted the possibility of caste wars in India and, simultaneously, enabled Hindu solidarity. Hindutva gains from such solidarity as it mobilises for aggressive and inclusive Hindu citizenship.

Aggressive Hinduism is mobilised everyday against Muslims in India along with regular rhetoric and occasional military action against Pakistan. These consolidate Hindu majoritarianism. The present military mobilisation against Pakistan following the Pahalgam terrorist attack and the nod of caste census therefore do not contradict each other. It is furthering the process of merging aggressive and progressive Hinduism and will mostly aid BJP in coming elections. 

While the opposition hopes that caste politics that ensues following the caste census will hinder the onslaught of Hindutva, the construction of nationalist Hinduism and its making as a civil religion, is largely seductive for masses as it merges aggressive and inclusive Hinduism.

The Hindu citizenship produced here is a deeper form of engaged ideological citizenship that thrives on othering of non-Hindus. Caste census may hinder the process of Hindu unity under Hindutva only temporally. Paradoxically it may also consolidate aggressive Hinduism – the uncivil side of sublated Hinduism.  

Beyond the political and electoral interests of the BJP and Congress, the politics of a caste census may not have much to offer and a larger churning in society is required for building non-religious and anti-caste sensibilities where broader solidarities flourish beyond particularistic concerns.

Suryakant Waghmore is professor of sociology at IITB.

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