Communication strategy invariably reveals the politics of the communicator. The choice of theme, the language and the tone of arguments of the principal political players – the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Congress party – give us an insight into the difference in the electoral agendas of the two parties and the nature of the contest in what is being seen as the most critical election of independent India.
The BJP’s discourse is woven around the Ram temple, allegations of ‘Muslim appeasement’, ridicule and slander of the opposition, vague assertions of India’s rising prestige in the world, Rs 6,000 for farmers every year, toilets, gas connection and the dream of a developed India in 2047.
The Congress campaign rests on a new justice regime – Kisan Nyay, Mazdoor Nyay, Nari Nyay, Yuva Nyay and Hissedari (representation). It talks of unemployment, high prices, agrarian distress, women’s empowerment, Agniveer scheme and welfare of workers, and also electoral bonds, misuse of central agencies, the BJP’s washing machine, Chinese intrusion, threat to federalism and crony capitalism.
The Congress argues that its 25-point programme will trigger fundamental changes in the lives of farmers, women, workers and youth, besides addressing the vital concern of social justice.
A comparison of the speeches of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP president J.P. Nadda with those of Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge and former president Rahul Gandhi shows the difference. As do the respective slogans: the Congress demand is “Hisab Do”, the BJP’s chant is “Char Sau Par”.
The unmistakable itch in the Prime Minister to invoke religion, no matter what the model code of conduct demands, is demonstrated everywhere. At many rallies over the past few days, the Prime Minister has said, “Ram Navami mein Prabhu Ram tent mein nahin, bhavya mandir mein rahenge (During Ram Navami, Lord Ram will be in a temple and not in a tent).” He has repeatedly asked the voters to punish the “Ghamandia” parties that rejected the invite to attend the consecration ceremony of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. He has also misrepresented facts by alleging that the Congress expelled a party leader for attending the ceremony. The reference was possibly to a leader from Uttar Pradesh, Acharya Pramod Krishnam, who was expelled for anti-party activities after he had attacked the top leadership for months and accused the Congress of being anti-Hindu.
The Congress has petitioned the Election Commission to take action against the prime minister for falsely portraying them as anti-Ram.
Modi also refers to the statement of Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) leader M.K. Stalin’s son Udayanidhi on sanatan and alleges that the opposition combine thinks the Hindu religion is like dengue and malaria which needs to be eradicated.
At one public meeting on Monday, Modi did say that “it is the responsibility of political parties to solve the problems of the people”. But instead of speaking of the problems facing the country now and ways to address them, he said “the Congress itself is the mother of problems” and asked: “Who was responsible for Partition on the basis of religion? Who invented Kashmir problem? Who gave protection to terrorists for appeasement?”
Also read: Ek Dhakka Aur Do: What the BJP Under Modi and Shah Is Doing to Indian Democracy
When Modi speaks of price rise, he says “the Congress doesn’t even understand the meaning of mahngai (price rise). I came from a poor family, I know the pain of not having a pucca house, not having money to buy medicine. So, I resolved to solve the problems of the poor.” He claims that 25 crore people have been lifted out of poverty in his regime, but does not back this up with evidence.
The Prime Minister uses lofty rhetoric to gloss over “mahngai” and does not speak of the falling rupee, the LPG price crossing Rs 1,100, and petrol-diesel touching Rs 100 a litre. Or the rising cost of train travel, medicines, pulses, vegetables, milk and edible oil.
The BJP doesn’t even acknowledge the rising prices and is running on social media a “Jo kaha, so kiya (We did what we promised)” campaign that is short on details. For instance, a video on agriculture refers to the Kisan Samman Nidhi – Rs 6,000 a year to farmers – but does not mention the abnormal rise in input costs or the promise to double the farmers’ income by 2022. If a G20 meeting is hawked as the commitment to help Bengal, installation of Sengol in Parliament is presented as concern for Tamil Nadu.
But on allegations of ‘minority appeasement’, both Modi and Nadda talk in detail, digging up the Muslim League’s demands to condemn the Congress manifesto.
On corruption, like on price rise, the BJP is high on rhetoric and low on specifics. Claiming to be a crusader against corruption, Modi tells rallies: “INDI Alliance is a gang of corrupt. Satta pao, khoob malai khao.” But no answers are given on the electoral bonds and Pegasus, dilution of RTI and redundancy of Lokpal. The BJP raises the liquor scam in Delhi and land grab in Jharkhand, but does not address the allegations of corruption against it in Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh.
The other issues that find space in the BJP’s discourse are – Article 370, Katchatheevu, Sandeshkhali, denial of Bharat Ratna to some stalwarts, and personal attacks on Rahul Gandhi.
In the absence of an honest scrutiny by the media and its stubborn refusal to give adequate space to the Opposition, the fake narratives go unchallenged.
The Congress campaign is different, based on bread-and-butter promises. Its core talking points are the offer of a year’s apprenticeship with Rs 1 lakh for every graduate and diploma holder, Rs 1 lakh every year to a woman from every poor family, minimum wages of Rs 400 a day, Right to Health for workers, a legally guaranteed minimum support price for farmers, a safety net for gig workers and a caste census. The party has gone beyond the traditional communal-secular rhetoric but hasn’t abandoned the secularism, framing the discourse in terms of justice and constitutional rights.
The speeches of Mallikarjun Kharge and Rahul Gandhi revolve around substantive issues and a concrete vision for execution of their agenda. Kharge counters Modi’s “nothing-happened-in-70-years” rhetoric, reeling out the names of public sector units, educational institutions, hospitals and infrastructure projects and asking Modi to name one built by him. Addressing a meeting at Hyderabad, Rahul said, “We respond to your demands and fulfil them. When we promised free bus travel, gas cylinder for Rs 500, cash assistance to women… we were only responding to your wish. Now we are delivering.”
The party is also attacking the BJP for waiving corporate debt worth Rs 16 lakh crore and accusing it of handing over national assets to friends, misusing central agencies to harass opponents and break parties, and remaining aloof to the Chinese intrusion.
The discourse has a much wider canvass than Rahul’s Rafale deal-centric diatribe of 2019.
In the end, the Congress’s success will depend on whether it can confine the BJP to a contest on a people-centric agenda and not allow it to escape answering questions. In 2019, the Congress narrative was not as comprehensive as it is now, and the BJP hijacked the discourse with the post-Pulwama surgical strike. If such powerful diversions don’t recur, substantive issues should influence this election and the BJP might find itself in a precarious position.
