Modi, Modi Everywhere: At Car Dealerships, Jan Aushadhis, Rail Tickets, Petrol Pumps…

Why this sudden surge in the personal publicity and image promotion of Prime Minister Narendra Modi? The present mobilisation is unprecedented in its scale and reach.

Advertisements pledging support to the Prime Minister have been issued by public sector units and corporate houses, Modi’s colleagues are vying with each other to eulogise the boss for simplifying the goods and services tax (GST), and the Prime Minister himself has described the reduction of GST slabs to two as the ‘biggest reform in independent India’.

Gone are the days when the leader felt shy of ugly exaltations and worship as a deity at specially built Modi ‘temples’. When the first temple was built in Rajkot during his early years as Prime Minister, Modi had promptly got it demolished. Now such ‘Modi temples’ have sprung up in several states.

Look at the manner in which Modi’s colleagues are eulogising him. The BJP parliamentary board hailed him for bringing the reform that it said would make India self-reliant. Home minister Amit Shah lauded Modi for his ‘truly transformative decision’ that would help small business units and the middle classes. Rajnath Singh said Modi’s bold decision would further strengthen ‘Aatmanirbhar Bharat’. Not to be left behind, the BJP chief ministers used the opportunity to shower encomiums on the Prime Minister’s ‘vision and farsightedness.’ Piyush Goyal hailed the ‘biggest reform since Independence’ and said the Congress during its rule had done nothing. Ashwini Vaishnav said the GST revision was Modi’s gift to the middle classes.

Modi himself said it was a ‘turning point for the Indian economy’ and that the GST rationalisation, along with his ‘panch ratna’, would enhance ease of life. He hailed the new GST rates as a ‘double dhamaka’ for the people. In his latest Mann ki Baat, he described it as a ‘celebration of honesty’. “This Diwali, I am going to make it a double Diwali for you,” Modi told the people in his patronising style.

Union ministries and BJP chief ministers came out with advertisements hailing Modi. They variously lauded his leadership in simplifying the tax rates and heralding ease of life for the middle classes and business. A rather new trend this time has been the participation of private business and industry associations in thanking the leader. Among them were trade associations like the PHD Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the Associated Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Pharma federations, a toy manufacturers’ association, a manmade fibre manufacturers’ association and a solar energy federation issued huge ‘thank you Modi’ advertisements. Firms manufacturing television sets, refrigerators and air conditioners, tyres, footwear, and cement, and those in the dairy and aviation business also hailed Modi. The ITC chairman praised the Prime Minister for growth-oriented GST rates.

The ministry of heavy industries has asked automobile companies — car and two-wheeler makers — to ‘honour’ Modi by putting up his portraits at all their dealerships, alongside the old and new GST rates. Now we are told Delhi chief minister Rekha Gupta has directed all Puja and Ram Lila committees to put up Modi’s pictures prominently at pandals.

Such Modi worship carefully conceals the fact that the Prime Minister had no direct role in the GST council’s September 3 decision, which came after months of arduous consultations on contentious issues with different stakeholders. Unanimity was achieved through compromises between the opposition state governments and the Union finance ministry.

However, the moment the consensus emerged at the 56th GST Council, Modi grabbed the opportunity to claim credit. And the orchestrated idolatry began. In fact, the very policy of consultation and consensus goes against the Modi-Shah duo’s authoritarian template that prescribes confrontation with opponents as a core winning strategy. This has been the premise on which spin dictators build their personality cult.

The BJP-appointed chairman of the 15th Finance Commission described the consensus on GST as historic, but he gave credit to the group of ministers and the finance ministers of the Opposition ruled states. Describing it as a major achievement, he said it signalled the ‘willingness to listen to the views of stake holders.’

But unlike his predecessor Manmohan Singh, Modi is not a committed reformer. For him, economic reforms is one of the tools to preserve his authoritarian structure, nothing more. He was forced to compromise on GST because of the compulsions of Donald Trump’s tariff squeeze.

The credit-grabbing on GST is not isolated. This has been an essential strategy that Modi has successfully borrowed from the spin dictators’ tool kit. His photos can be seen at the Jan Aushadhi shops, and on railway tickets as well as COVID certificates. Years ago, petrol pumps were told to put up Modi pictures. Every government project, of the Centre or of BJP-ruled states, even one as small as Rs 500 crore, is announced or inaugurated by Modi or, at times, by Amit Shah. The PMO prioritises these for his political visits to the state.

Take his three-hour visit to Manipur. During this short period, he opened 17 projects, including one worth Rs 101 crore. During his visits to Bihar and West Bengal, he inaugurated several projects and laid the foundation stone for others. On earlier visits, terminal buildings were inaugurated, Vande Bharat trains flagged off grih pravesh done for PMAY (R) beneficiaries.

The organised cult promotion has been happening at the cost of tax payers’ money. Modi’s image managers were focused this month on making his annual birthday celebration a major event. In the past, he had resolutely asked followers not to celebrate his birthday. He had once clarified that Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s visit to Ahmedabad on September 17 had no connection with his birthday. This was at the peak of his popularity when people believed that Modi had a solution to every problem. He was coming out with several impressive schemes and trying to implement them with precision. Then the euphoria began to fade. Now, 10 years later, he himself merrily indulged in birthday festivities like eating ice cream and holding pujas. All on camera.

Modi has perhaps realised the potential of using the birthday celebration as an effective instrument of cult promotion. BJP chief ministers, eager to curry favour with Delhi, sought to turn it into a major event, launching schemes and advertisements and hoardings. Media owners have never had it so good. This writer counted at least 29 advertisements with Modi’s photos in a Delhi daily on September 17 – surpassing the Republic Day or Diwali tally. Apart from the government, cement honchos and real estate barons came up with their own ‘Thank You Modi’ ads. Maharashtra deputy chief minister Eknath Shinde beat chief minister Devendra Fadnavis in content creativity, turning the full-page advertisement into a Chanda Mama style narration of Modi’s life story right from his childhood. Five new hospital blocks, 150 dialysis machines, a drainage master plan, 100 electric intercity and interstate buses, EV charging stations, interstate buses, and three automated multi-level shuttle car parking facilities are among the projects inaugurated by the Delhi government. A ‘Thank You Modi’ programme – remember ‘Howdy Modi’? – was by the chief minister and her colleagues.

At the national level, Modi himself launched women health schemes and health camps.

According to his official website, Amit Shah heaped praise on Modi. Earlier, Shah had, in true Kim Il Sung style, described Modi as the ‘most beloved leader’ of India.

P. Raman is a veteran journalist and political commentator.

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