Maneesh Chhibber 
On August 5, 2019, the Narendra Modi-led Union government read down Article 370, taking Jammu and Kashmir’s special status and statehood, and splitting it into two Union Territories. The past five years have seen sweeping changes, glaring rights abuses and big developments in the region. This series is a look at where J&K was and where it is now, five years after the move.
This is the second part of three reported pieces from Jammu and Kashmir. Read the first part here.
Jammu/Srinagar: “In the last five years, the only notable thing that anybody can really talk about from the abrogation of Article 370 is that while earlier only people in Kashmir were unhappy and angry with over the attitude of the government, now even Jammu and Ladakh are upset. The reasons may be different, but there is no doubt the all three regions are now united in their feeling of restlessness and anger and of having been let down.”
This statement by former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister and People’s Democratic Party (PDP) chief Mehbooba Mufti, in a sense, sums up the prevailing sentiment in the erstwhile state five years after the Narendra Modi government took the decision to take away the special status and rights granted under Constitution’s Article 370 to the people of undivided Jammu and Kashmir.
Illustration: Pariplab Chakraborty
Even state unit leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) don’t openly praise the move, once touted as a game-changer and historic, possibly realising how bitter and miffed Jammuites are now.
The state earlier known as Jammu and Kashmir doesn’t exist any longer — it has been replaced by two Union Territories, Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.
There is no elected legislature in either of the two Union Territories, both are run by Centrally-appointed Lieutenant Governors (LG), assisted by advisers, and residents of the regions continue to face the same problems, in fact, many would say, more than they faced before August 5, 2019, the day Article 370 was partially abrogated.
But, the most important and visible change, particularly in Jammu region, post-370 is the preponderance of the feeling that one has to be extremely cautious while talking about issues political.
“Somebody may be over-hearing,” is the common refrain. Who is somebody, you ask. And the average response in a mere shrug of the shoulders — almost as if naming anybody could attract problems.
Little has really changed for the better.
The moment one enters Jammu after crossing Lakhanpur, the first thing one notices is that, despite the hot and humid summers, power situation in the Union Territory remains as bad as it was five years ago. The only difference is that, courtesy smart meters, people’s electricity bills have gone up tremendously but without any visible improvement in power supply.
Roads continue to be in poor condition, dug up at several places, there is militancy, which had earlier been somewhat restricted to the Kashmir region but now has returned to Jammu with a vengeance, corruption continues unabated, supply of drinking water remains erratic and bureaucracy remain unresponsive. You may well be in an era before July 5, 2019.
But, then, one realises change has actually come. Jammu and Srinagar are now “Smart” cities — at least on paper and in government advertisements, local businesses in Jammu are under stress due to lack of business, crime has gone up, “outsiders” are controlling mining, much of its illegal, and liquor trade, officers manning important positions are being brought from outside the cadre.
The local BJP leadership, interestingly, doesn’t regularly tom-tom about the historic decision now.
“Everything, even passports, has been weaponised. The police can come knocking on your door anytime they want or, worse, summon you to the local thana. Just consider this, voters in North Kashmir, which was never considered to be supporter of separatism, voted in large numbers for a person — Engineer Rashid — whose slogan is plebiscite and who, the government is keeping behind bars for his pro-separatist views. And, this person actually won, defeating moderate, openly pro-India voices. Was this the great plan Centre and BJP kept talking about when they decided to take away our special status? Shouldn’t this worry everyone? Alienation has increased in all regions,” Mufti says.
Walk on the streets of Srinagar, engage with locals and ask them about how their life has changed in the five years since Article 370 was majorly amended and the answer comes in the way of a guarded response.
“It was supposed to makes our lives better, integrate the state further with the rest of the country; bring peace and prosperity, jobs, industry but, most of all, self-respect and more affection for our country. Has that really happened? Why don’t you ask the government what it has achieved? Our leaders spend more time in jail or under house-arrest than engaging with the public. There are no jobs; no mega investment has come to the state. Anybody and everybody, who is seen as questioning the government, can be dubbed anti-national or a supporter of militancy and booked. We are without an elected government for the last over five years. On every parameter, we are worse off than we were five years ago. Militancy is fast spreading even in Jammu region. But, we are constantly being told everything is good and, if we don’t accept it without demur, we stand the risk of being put in jail,” says a local.
Ask the same question in Jammu and the answer is almost the same, barring the language. Jammuites, as residents of Jammu region are often called, are now aware that the garden path they were led up by the BJP and its leadership via the partial abrogation of the contentious Constitutional clause did not exactly lead them to peace and prosperity.
“There is a lot of difference between what we were fed through the narrative and what actually happened here. To begin with, we don’t even have a state now. Jammu and Kashmir is (a) Union Territory as is Ladakh. Nothing has changed and everything has changed. Let me explain. There is a sharp rise in militancy in Jammu region, including areas that were relatively peaceful for over a decade like Kathua and Reasi. There has been absolutely no industrialisation of the scale we were repeatedly assured was just a matter of time. Unelected outsiders are ruling the roost. Our youth is angry over rising joblessness. Crime has gone up. Businesses are facing ruin. But if you open the newspapers, you are expected to believe everything is perfect and hunky-dory. If it is really the case, why isn’t the government holding elections?” asks a senior academic in Jammu University, a proud Dogra.
Apart from the difference in language and the extremely cautious (Srinagar) versus a little more open (Jammu) manner of expressing their opinion, residents of the two regions are united in their belief: Things have not changed dramatically in the five years since Article 370 was amended.
But then tourists are everywhere in Kashmir. Isn’t that a sign everything is alright?
“We welcome tourists as they are our guests and also bring us some financial gains. But have the killings stopped? We get upset when there is any targeted killing as it creates a wrong impression about the Kashmir Valley. Even the tourists know and understand that the average Kashmiri is not a Pakistani sympathiser or a supporter of militants. But it suits the agenda of powers-that-be to dub us that way. Haven’t our kids laid down their lives fighting the militants? But we all are still being painted with the same brush. Isn’t this the surest way to create unrest and distrust? Ask yourself,” says a Kashmiri journalist, who refused to be quoted.
Asking questions is a strict no-no:
“I have a right to protect ethos and regional identity. But, these days, if I raise uncomfortable questions, I am often told by well-wishers I am not behaving like an Indian. Doesn’t my Constitution grant me this right? Why can’t we question why Jammu’s jobs and lands are going to outsiders, why are Jammu’s businessmen suffering losses, why are only outsiders being appointed to important positions in universities and institutes like IIT and IIM, why doesn’t Jammu still have good healthcare facilities, why is there so much fear psychosis?” asks advocate Sheikh Shakeel Ahmed, speaking in flawless Dogri.
While instances of police high-handedness abounded even before August 5, 2019, there is now a sharp uptick in such cases.
Critics say the attempt is to silence everybody into submission.
Kashmiris reel off statistics about journalists, activists and political leaders who have been incarcerated, often without solid grounds, in the last five years.
“Even when courts released those arrested after they had spent months behind bars, the police would pick them up again, often on trumped up, fresh, charges. Is this the kind of normalcy we were promised? While open anti-India rhetoric has certainly whittled down, the sense of alienation may have grown due to police high-handedness. Has there been any attempt to engage with the common people? The ecosystem, as the government refers to anti-India or separatist forces as, may have been marginalised, but the bigger question is has any real gains been made with the average citizen?” asks a senior Kashmiri journalist.
Mufti echoes the sentiment.
“How long can you suppress the people? Silence doesn’t mean they will always remain silent. I hope things will change and that they will change for the better. For that we need to create opportunities,” she says.
Where’s the industrialisation, jobs?
Residents in Jammu as well as Kashmir wonder where the promised large-scale industrialisation and the jobs that were to follow are. The state government’s new industrial policy has found many takers and the Department of Industry and Commerce has received a large number of applications for allotment of land. But, skeptics point to the fact that most applicants want land to be allotted to them at throwaway prices and that too in Kathua district, which borders Punjab.
“Show me how many new industrial units, especially those are labor-intensive, have actually been set up in the UT since August 5, 2019. Those who are coming to apply are doing only because of the large number of incentives that they are being offered. How many outsiders have bought property in J&K and have also shifted to the state and are working here? In fact, the land security that locals had is now gone. This is not what the people of Jammu and Kashmir wanted,” says Congress spokesperson Kapil Singh.
Singh asserts the number of residents below poverty line has gone up substantially, while unemployment is at an all-time high.
“Our youth are jobless and without avenues. This policy of one step forward-two steps backward is not going to work. Look at Ladakh. On one hand, China is moving in, while the locals are upset for several reasons. But, the government is rudderless and without any solution,” he adds.
Militancy remains unchecked
According to South Asia Terrorism Portal, which tracks terrorism-related incidents in South Asia, in the first seven months of this year, there have been 32 incidents of killing in J&K, in which 17 civilians and 16 security forces personnel and officers were killed. In the same period, 34 militants were also eliminated.
Senior police officers also acknowledge that the revival of militancy in Jammu region is a major cause of concern.
Consider this: Since 2021, there have been 33 militant-related attacks in Jammu region. In 2024 alone, the region has seen eight deadly attacks, in which 11 soldiers have been killed and 18 injured. Civilian deaths in Jammu in the first six months of this year were 12, the same number as the whole of 2023.
“The government needs to come up with a proper plan of action to check this,” suggests Mehbooba Mufti.
Incidentally, on August 2, the Centre suddenly shunted out the top two officers of the Border Security Force (BSF), which is responsible for manning the international borders. BSF director general Nitin Agrawal and his deputy special DG (West) Y.B. Khurania were sent back to their respective cadres with immediate effect.
The move was so sudden that when he received news of his transfer, Khurania was in Jammu on a two-day visit to review the security situation.
Senior officers also talk of lack of cohesion among the top brass in the Jammu and Kashmir Police.
It took many by surprise when J&K DGP R.R. Swain blamed the regional parties in Kashmir for allowing Pakistan to infiltrate into Kashmir civil society and “cultivating leaders of terror networks to further their electoral prospects,” leading to allegations that he was indulging in politics, his deputy and J&K’s ADGP (Law and Order) Vijay Kumar publically countered him.
“These can be personal views of the DGP,” Kumar said on the sidelines of a function in Srinagar. He also stressed that Jammu and Kashmir Police was an “apolitical force” and it worked “with impartiality”.
“Every six months, we are told there are only 50-80 active militants left. And, then we are told about the elimination of 30-40 in the same period. And, then, we are again given a similar figure of active militants. The maths simply doesn’t add up. Who is responsible for allowing militants to infiltrate?” asks a Kashmiri leader.
Unpopular LG administration
Ever since he took over as LG, former Union minister of state Manoj Sinha has appeared on the front pages of most local newspapers at least once every alternate day.
But, his administration is often accused of being inefficient and lacking in administrative cohesion, relying more on non-cadre officers than officers originally of the J&K cadre to man important positions.
A senior IAS officer even brought to fore how the LG’s office had “instructed” UT officers to fund a “personal function” that was held in New Delhi.
Senior IAS officer, Ashok Parmar, had demanded a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe into the matter.
Nothing, however, happened regarding the issue.
“There is no policy to deal with the slowdown in businesses in Jammu region. There is no effective dialogue between the administration and various stakeholders. I feel there is disconnect between the LG’s Administration and the people. But, it is equally true that you can’t expect the LG or his bureaucrats to be an effective replacement for elected government. For one, the LG Administration has no accountability. While the industrial policy has come, how will it ensure jobs for our unskilled, unemployed youth?” asks Rakesh Gupta, former president, Jammu Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
A senior bureaucrat in the state sums it:
“The narrative was that post-370, things would change for the better; that the golden age had finally arrived. Instead, we have a sense of unease and uncertainty. So far, the plan, if there was ever one, hasn’t worked. But, who knows…”
Maneesh Chhibber is a senior journalist.
Read more from the series here.