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What Happens When Opposition Parties Subscribe to Hindutva?

Their strategies risk diluting ideological clarity and alienating minorities, and underscore the enduring tension between electoral pragmatism and ideological purity in an RSS-BJP-dominated political landscape.
Their strategies risk diluting ideological clarity and alienating minorities, and underscore the enduring tension between electoral pragmatism and ideological purity in an RSS-BJP-dominated political landscape.
what happens when opposition parties subscribe to hindutva
From left, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, Mamata Banerjee and Rahul Gandhi. Photos: Official X accounts.
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The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has profoundly influenced India’s public sphere by integrating marginalised communities into its Hindutva narrative. This is not merely an electoral strategy but a long-term social reconstruction project. Far from being static, the RSS employs technology and a language of inclusivity, compelling opposition leaders like Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, and Rahul Gandhi to adopt elements of Hindutva to suit regional, electoral, and ideological needs, while balancing their secular credentials.

Mamata Banerjee

Mamata Banerjee, leader of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), practices a “soft Hindutva” to counter the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) aggressive Hindu nationalism while preserving her secular image. Her approach is rooted in Bengali cultural identity, particularly through prioritising and promoting Durga Puja by funding clubs, organising a carnival, and substantially supporting local fairs and festivals – positioning her as a defender of Bengali culture in contrast to the “outsider” narrative spun against the BJP. During the 2021 West Bengal elections, she recited the Chandi Path, visited temples, and patronised lesser-known festivals to gain grassroots legitimacy. Unlike the BJP’s confrontational Hindutva, Mamata blends Hindu symbolism with secular rhetoric, visiting both temples and mosques to avoid alienating minority voters. She countered the BJP’s “Jai Shri Ram” slogans by emphasising Bengal’s Durga worship tradition, even linking it to the deity Ram.

After the 2019 Lok Sabha election losses, the TMC organised Brahmin meets, announced allowances to Sanatan Brahmins, and continued supporting Durga Puja committees, all to appeal to Hindu voters, without alienating her Muslim base, for whom she announced a stipend for Imams. This strategic balancing act helped neutralise the BJP’s claim that she leans towards Muslims, and contributed to TMC’s decisive 2021 victory. The construction of the Jagannath temple in Digha, located in opposition leader Suvendu Adhikari’s stronghold, further exemplifies her culturally diverse and inclusive Hindutva. Critics, including BJP leaders, call this “adulterated” Hindutva, and her approach risks alienating Muslim voters – though her inclusive rhetoric has largely mitigated this.

Arvind Kejriwal

Arvind Kejriwal of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has adopted soft Hindutva since 2019 to expand beyond the party’s anti-corruption and governance roots, aiming to neutralise the BJP’s monopoly over Hindu voters while maintaining a secular image. His public displays of Hindu devotion include reciting the Hanuman Chalisa, visiting temples, and describing himself as a “Hanuman bhakt.” AAP’s schemes – such as free pilgrimages to Ayodhya for seniors and plans to make Uttarakhand a “global spiritual capital” – align with Hindu sentiments but lack the BJP’s aggressive rhetoric. Kejriwal avoids anti-minority messaging, emphasising constitutional values in AAP’s manifestos to solidify his position as an opposition figure.

This shift became more pronounced after AAP’s defeat in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in Delhi. Kejriwal’s use of Hindu symbolism contributed to AAP regaining ground in the 2020 Delhi assembly elections, decisively defeating the BJP. In states like Gujarat and Punjab, his soft Hindutva, combined with promises of free electricity and education, expanded AAP’s footprint, though the party’s organisational strength remains limited. Critics note that Kejriwal’s silence on issues like the Citizenship Amendment Act has alienated Muslim voters and compromises AAP’s secular ethos. The 2025 Delhi result perhaps reflects the cost of this gamble: the BJP, along with the NDA, won 48 seats, and AAP was reduced to 22. His approach lacks the ideological depth of the BJP’s Hindutva or the cultural rootedness of Mamata’s strategy, reflecting political opportunism more than conviction.

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Also read: Can the BJP Merge Aggressive and Inclusive Hinduism?

Uddhav Thackeray

The Shiv Sena, a regional party in Maharashtra, has historically embraced a hardline Hindutva distinct from the BJP’s nationalistic version. Under Bal Thackeray, the party was aggressively anti-Muslim and tied to Marathi identity, notably during the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition. Under Uddhav Thackeray, the party has moderated its stance, aligning with secular parties in the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) coalition since 2019. Uddhav’s “inclusive Hindutva” focuses on Marathi pride and Maharashtra-specific Hindu traditions, such as Vitthal worship, rather than anti-minority polarisation.

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This localised Hindutva, however, is less adaptable outside Maharashtra. The 2019 split, when Eknath Shinde’s faction aligned with the BJP, weakened Uddhav’s Shiv Sena (UBT). The party now balances its Hindu voter base with its secular allies, diluting its Hindutva narrative. Electoral losses in 2024 and 2025 have forced it to rely more heavily on coalition partners, tempering its rhetoric. Secular allies like the Congress criticise Shiv Sena’s Hindutva legacy, while the BJP and Shinde’s faction accuse Uddhav of betraying Hindutva, highlighting the party’s pragmatic oscillation between hardline and moderate stances.

Rahul Gandhi

Many feel that Rahul Gandhi, a Congress leader long associated with secularism, adopted soft Hindutva during the 2017 Gujarat assembly elections to counter the BJP’s dominance. His temple visits, including to Somnath and Dwarkadhish, and public display of his janeu emphasised his Hindu identity, marking a departure from Congress’s minority-focused secularism. This approach aimed to appeal to Gujarat’s Hindu majority while also addressing economic concerns such as GST and demonetisation. Rahul balanced this with outreach to Dalits, tribals, and Muslims, maintaining inclusivity. His opposition to the RSS-BJP’s divisive Hindutva remained firm, positioning Congress as a defender of constitutional secularism.

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This tactical pivot improved Congress’s performance, yielding 77 seats in 2017 (up from 60 in 2012), though it still fell short of defeating the BJP. After 2017, Rahul reverted to more conventional secular rhetoric, focusing on economic and social justice during his Bharat Jodo Yatra, indicating that his soft Hindutva stance was context-specific.

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The strategies of Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, and Rahul Gandhi reflect the complex interplay between Hindutva and secularism in Indian politics. As the RSS reshapes the public sphere with its adaptive Hindutva, opposition leaders strategically adopt Hindu symbolism to counter the BJP’s nationalist narrative. Mamata’s culturally rooted approach secured her 2021 victory; Kejriwal’s pragmatism aided AAP’s 2020 success in Delhi; Uddhav’s moderated Hindutva reflects coalition imperatives; and Rahul’s tactical temple visits improved Congress’s 2017 performance in Gujarat. These strategies risk diluting ideological clarity and alienating minorities, yet they underscore the enduring tension between electoral pragmatism and ideological purity in an RSS-BJP-dominated political landscape.

Suman Nath is a political anthropologist and teaches anthropology at Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam Government College, Kolkata.

This article went live on June twelfth, two thousand twenty five, at fifteen minutes past nine in the morning.

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